Semi-mechanised gold mining in eastern Chad, June 2016. Photograph: Jerome Tubiana/Small Arms Survey

Qualitative analysis was initially completed using the Framework Method to explore key themes from 11 focus group discussions, 19 in-depth interviews, and 45 key informant interviews with health and wellbeing service providers and community members. A key theme emerged from the analysis that forms the basis of this paper. This study is part of a larger comprehensive HNA involving qualitative and quantitative data collection to explore the health and wellbeing needs of three communities living in proximity to CSG development in regional Queensland, Australia. Results This overview leads to more questions for the future than it can resolve. The emergence of large enterprises in coal, tin, iron, and other minerals, the creation of wage-workers in the mines, and technological advances necessitates a global history that could link these processes to the presence and eviction of women. The persistence, or growing importance, of women's work in small-scale and artisanal mining today, especially in the Global South as part of the globally connected mining industries, is a contemporary phenomenon that new research needs to historicize by focusing on ASM in the past. Given that the processes of proletarianization and industrialization have never been uniform throughout the world, small, artisanal, and independent mining might have been more important than we think in some regions, and the role of women might have been seriously underscored in the past, particularly in the Global South. Clearly, it is fundamentally important to analyse the role of ASM over time, and to study the long-run evolution of the gendered division of labour and the segmentation of demand and supply. We do not know, for example, whether the inclusion of women in mining today is due to a less sharp gendered division of economic activities or to a contemporary geographical expansion of extractive activities all over the world, requiring labour on a scale that did not exist before and within particular conditions. The transnational transformation of industry is now associated with flexibilized labour, subcontractors, and exploratory firms. This implies that the separation between “informal” and “formal” mining is somehow misleading because, as Samaddar has noted, throughout the history of capitalism there has always been a mix of the two. Today, contemporary capitalism uses cheap labour throughout the global supply chain, “ordaining” the informal condition of labour, particularly in the extractive industries linked to neoliberal policies. Footnote 106 In the case of Bolivia over the past decade, for example, a subsidiary enterprise of the Coeur d'Alene Mines Corporation used to buy the ores delivered by small artisanal miners without incurring the costs of extraction or the costs of labour. Here, there is a modus vivendi, with tensions between the state company, which has the legal lease of the mines and sub-leases them to the ASM (organized as cooperatives), which is characterized by informal, labour-intensive, minimally mechanized, and low-technology mining operations. Footnote 107 There are connections and even a vertical integration between the formal sector and the small-scale and artisanal mining of the informal sector.

Unsurprisingly, if nonetheless depressingly, this problem is not unique to Canada and the US.

Qualitative methods included In-Depth Interviews (IDIs), Focus Group Discussions (FGDs), and workshops with community members. Key informant interviews (KII) were also held with service providers. Development and implementation of the overall HNA was overseen by a steering committee of representatives from academia, government and the mining sector. A community champion provided local-level knowledge and support during participant recruitment and implementation. The qualitative findings for this paper are from the first two steps of the HNA framework. For the full HNA report with comprehensive methodology, refer to: http://www.wesleyresearch.org.au/wellbeing/. Community member (CM): There has been a shift in the community in the last few years around [region 1]… there’s been a lot around wellbeing and affordability too. I think there has been a lot of pressure on that just with the CSG industry in [region 1]; it’s probably put a bit of pressure on some people’s wellbeing, affordability wise… Probably not us specifically, but I have seen a lot of change around that in the community.” Scalable operation:Mill has 25% excess grinding capacity (over the maximum annual throughput) providing opportunities to add, discover, or acquire other properties in the Chibougamau mining camp

Total projected mined tonnes from Corner Bay are expected to be 7.60 Mt ramping up to a maximum capacity of 2,600 tpd over a mine life of 10.5 years. Measham T, Fleming D, Schandl H. A conceptual model of the socioeconomic impacts of unconventional fossil fuel extraction. Glob Environ Chang. 2016;36:101–10. Similar News:You can also read news stories similar to this one that we have collected from other news sources. Queensland Health. The Health of Queenslanders 2014; Fifth Report of the Chief Health Officer, Queensland. Report. 2014.As a result of the protective laws and the exclusion of women from underground tasks, women's work became increasingly restricted to household work, while their pivotal role in reproduction and care work in mining communities was also insufficiently recognized. This process of “de-labourization” of women's work and the closely connected distinction made between productive and unproductive labour was in accordance with the classical political economy since Adam Smith, where unpaid care work and domestic activities were considered “unproductive” labour and underestimated. Footnote 7 Olympic swimming champion Ariarne Titmus’ ‘scary’ health dramaAussie Olympic champ Titmus opens up on ‘scary’ health drama Potential to extend mine life by expanding mineral resources at both Corner Bay and Joe Mann once operation starts Doré Copper prepares its disclosure in accordance with the requirements of securities laws in effect in Canada, which differ from the requirements of U.S. securities laws. Terms relating to mineral resources in this news release are defined in accordance with NI 43-101 under the guidelines set out in CIM Definition Standards on Mineral Resources and Mineral Reserves, adopted by the Canadian Institute of Mining, Metallurgy and Petroleum Council on May 19, 2014, as amended (“CIM Standards”). The U.S. Securities and Exchange Commission (the “SEC”) has adopted amendments effective February 25, 2019 (the “SEC Modernization Rules”) to its disclosure rules to modernize the mineral property disclosure requirements for issuers whose securities are registered with the SEC under the U.S. Securities Exchange Act of 1934. As a result of the adoption of the SEC Modernization Rules, the SEC will now recognize estimates of “measured mineral resources”, “indicated mineral resources” and “inferred mineral resources”, which are defined in substantially similar terms to the corresponding CIM Standards. In addition, the SEC has amended its definitions of “proven mineral reserves” and “probable mineral reserves” to be substantially similar to the corresponding CIM Standards. The PEA proposes to refurbish the Copper Rand mill, which closed in 2008 after approximately 50 years of operation. The mill was constructed in 1959 and expanded twice in the early 1980s and again in 2001. Historically, the mill operated with a mixture of local ores at an instantaneous rate of 2,700 tpd.

It was important to community members to understand what was happening in their communities. As CSG is a relatively new industry there was significant uncertainty and anxiety around the unknown effects. Brashier [2011] stated that community reaction to mining development spans four stages: enthusiasm in the initial stages; followed by uncertainty; then panic and finally, adaptation [ 29]. The term ‘solastalgia’ has been coined to describe the melancholy felt following the unwelcome change in one’s community and is often used in the CSG development context [ 30]. At a community level, there is a responsibility of local government to provide evidence, transparency and awareness around the CSG mining process to mitigate negative reactions. It is possible that perceived impacts of CSG development on health and wellbeing may reflect an unavailability of reliable sources, inadequate community consultation and a possible reliance on media for information. Dore Copper makes a correction in its March2, 2023 news releas In general, it is believed that there were at least two moments when women were excluded from mines in modern Europe: after 1842 and after 1930. However, it is important to make two qualifications here. On the one hand, according to Christina Vanja, by the eighteenth century women had largely disappeared from mining as part of a process of proletarianization in which mineworkers were transformed from small, independent, and petty producers into wage workers in large enterprises. Footnote 33 On the other hand, as we will see, the measures taken in Great Britain in 1842 extended throughout Europe and even the world. In this sense, the regulations adopted by the International Labour Organization (ILO) after 1930 formalized a situation in which, with just a few exceptions, women no longer worked in underground mines.

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AISC includes cash operating costs, sustaining capital expenses to support the on-going operations, concentrate transport and treatment charges, royalties and closure and rehabilitation costs divided copper equivalent pounds produced. The Company cautions that the results of the PEA are preliminary in nature and include inferred mineral resources that are considered too speculative geologically to have economic considerations applied to them to be classified as mineral reserves. There is no certainty that the results of the PEA will be realized. Coelho P, Teixeira J, Gonçalves O. Mining activities: health impacts. In: Nriagu JO, editor. Encyclopedia of environmental health. Burlington: Elsevier; 2011. p. 788–802.

From 1930 to 1935, the ILO gathered information and data from member states, but although based on reports from various governments the information was not always precise. For example, in Spain the first restrictions on women working underground were not those enshrined in legislation on the number of hours worked in mines in 1910, as the ILO data suggested, but the Mining Police Regulations of 25 July 1897, which constituted the first law prohibiting women's work in underground mining in Spain. Footnote 60 In Portugal, the first restriction on women's work underground in mines was regulated by the decree of 14 April 1891 and confirmed by the decree of 16 March 1893; this is much earlier than the 1927 claimed by the ILO as the date of the earliest government regulation on women mineworkers, during the Military Dictatorship (1926–1933). Footnote 61 In Italy, the first restrictions on women's work underground did not originate with the consolidated text of the 1907 Act on the employment of women, but five years earlier, in 1902, with the law on the employment of women and children, which prohibited women from working underground. The Italian law of 1907 was necessary though because there was no real control on the application of the 1902 law, and many mining industries simply ignored it. Footnote 62 Similarly, in Greece the ban on female work underground was the result not of the law of 1912 “On the labour of women and children” but of the 1910 mining law “On mines”, which was the first legislation to prohibit the employment of women and children in jobs underground and night work in the mines. Footnote 63 It should also be noted that some of the laws mentioned in Table 2 banned not only women's work underground but also at the surface (in the Netherlands, New Zealand, Peru), or at least especially laborious work (Austria, Bulgaria, Germany, China, Great Britain). Footnote 64 In Bolivia and Guatemala, underground work was forbidden only for women under age. Footnote 65 The 1842 Act was considered “the first and one of the most extensively documented pieces of discriminatory labour legislation”, Footnote 41 and the first time that “authorities limited the exploitation of a class of workers on the basis of gender, a distinction which has characterized protective labour legislation ever since”. Footnote 42 In France, the Law of 1874 prohibited underground work for girls and women. Footnote 43Change the plan you will roll onto at any time during your trial by visiting the “Settings & Account” section. What happens at the end of my trial? Storey K. Fly-in/fly-out: implications for community sustainability. Sustainability. 2010;2(5):1161-81. AISC is a non-IFRS financial performance measures with no standardized definition under IFRS. Refer to note at end of this news release. The numbers around 1924 are impressive because seventy-one per cent of women labourers were working underground. Footnote 48 There was also an existing culture of women's involvement in mines and working above ground, while men laboured underground. The traditional system was associated with men digging the coal while women transported it to the surface and sorted it outside. Footnote 49 There were, however, important regional differences even within Japan. In the Chikuho coal fields, husband and wife teams worked in the pits as coal diggers, and women accounted for thirty per cent of the pit workforce in the 1920s. Footnote 50 As activities of care and domestic tasks were frequently performed at home and mainly by women, this change towards “unproductive” labour was not gender neutral. The perception of tasks and skills (such as childcare, cooking, keeping the household, nursing) as being “natural” for women originated a new gendered division of labour in the workplace and at home: men were supposed to be the principal wage earners for their families; women were supposed to participate in secondary, auxiliary roles as wives, mothers, and housewives. Footnote 109